Naqsh-e Rostam is a cliff-side archaeological site in Fars Province, about six kilometres northwest of Persepolis. Its royal tombs and Sasanian reliefs occupy the southern face of Hossein Kuh.
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Location and Accessibility
Naqsh-e Rostam, an ancient necropolis steeped in history, lies in the heart of Iran’s Fars province, a mere 6 kilometers northwest of Persepolis, the ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid Empire. This historic site, known for its awe-inspiring rock reliefs, serves as a testament to the grandeur of ancient Persian civilization. It is easily accessible from Shiraz, the nearest major city, making it a must-visit destination for travelers exploring Iran’s rich cultural heritage.
From Shiraz, travelers can opt for a short drive to Naqsh-e Rostam, with the journey taking approximately an hour. This proximity allows for seamless integration into travel itineraries that include Persepolis, offering a comprehensive glimpse into Iran’s ancient history in a single day trip.
Public transportation options, including buses and taxis, are readily available from Shiraz, providing convenient access to Naqsh-e Rostam. However, for a more personalized experience, consider arranging a private tour through reputable travel agencies like SURFIRAN or OrientTrips. These tailored tours not only ensure comfort and convenience but also offer insightful commentary on the historical significance of the site, enhancing the overall visitor experience.

Upon arrival, guests will find that Naqsh-e Rostam is well-equipped to welcome tourists, with facilities such as parking, guides, and informational plaques that elucidate the site’s history.
The best time to visit is during the cooler months from March to May and September to November, when the weather is pleasant, allowing for a more enjoyable exploration of the outdoor site.
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Getting to Naqsh-e Rostam
To visit Naqsh-e Rostam, located 56 kilometers northeast of Shiraz, you can easily access this site from Persepolis, with just 6 kilometers separating the two. For those with a personal vehicle, the journey is straightforward: head towards the city of Marvdasht and follow the Marvdasht-Sa’adat Shahr highway to the Persepolis to Istakhr route, also known as the ancient royal road. If driving isn’t an option, one-day tours or taxis represent the best alternatives for reaching Naqsh-e Rostam, offering convenience and the opportunity to explore this historic site without the need for personal transportation.

Four Achaemenid tombs face the plain. Darius I’s is identified by inscriptions; the other three are conventionally attributed to Xerxes I, Artaxerxes I and Darius II. These assignments have different levels of certainty.
Facing the cliff, the conventional order from left to right is Darius II, Artaxerxes I, Darius I and Xerxes I. The Sasanian reliefs below belong to a later phase of the site.
Tomb Attributed to Darius II (reigned 423–404 BCE)

The westernmost tomb is conventionally attributed to Darius II. Its cross-shaped façade follows the model of Darius I: in the upper register, a standing king faces a fire altar on a platform supported by representatives of the subject peoples. Lendering’s description also distinguishes the later equestrian relief of Bahram II below it from the Achaemenid tomb above.
Inside the Tomb of Darius II
The tomb’s interior follows the royal rock-tomb tradition, with burial chambers behind a vestibule. The surviving architecture does not establish which grave, if any, held Parysatis.
Who Was Darius II?
Darius II ruled from 423 to 404 BCE. His reign followed the brief succession struggles after Artaxerxes I’s death.
Tomb Attributed to Artaxerxes I (reigned 465–424/423 BCE)

The next tomb is conventionally attributed to Artaxerxes I. Its upper scene shows a king standing before an altar with a bow, rather than grasping a ring in his sleeves. Representatives support the platform beneath him. Lendering notes an additional figure in this tomb’s relief and identifies the mounted battle below as the later monument of Hormizd II.
Inside the Tomb of Artaxerxes I
The interior adapts the chamber-and-vestibule arrangement of Darius I’s tomb. Its layout alone cannot identify individual burials as Artaxerxes I, Damaspia or a chosen successor.
Who Was Artaxerxes I?
Artaxerxes I, a son of Xerxes I, ruled from 465 to 424/423 BCE. He was a different king from Artaxerxes III. The tomb’s conventional attribution does not rest on an inscription naming its occupant.
Tomb of Darius I

Darius I’s tomb is securely identified by its inscriptions. Above the palace-like façade, the king stands before a fire altar on a platform supported by thirty representatives of the empire’s peoples.
Four engaged columns frame the palace-like middle register. Its proportions recall the façade of Darius’s palace at Persepolis. This architectural resemblance does not by itself demonstrate a particular doctrine of resurrection.
Behind Darius’s decorated façade, a long vestibule gives access to barrel-vaulted burial rooms and rock-cut cists. Iranica notes that the original interments have not survived. The attribution of a particular grave to Atossa is therefore not secure archaeological identification.
Who Was Darius the Great?
Darius I ruled from 522 to 486 BCE and began the royal building programme at Persepolis. His inscriptions also record a canal connecting the Nile with the Red Sea. This was a different route from the modern Suez Canal between the Mediterranean and Red Sea.
An Ancient Account of the Tomb
A story preserved in Photius’s summary of Ctesias, section 19, says Darius’s parents died when the people hauling them up to the tomb released the ropes. It is a literary account, not an event established by excavation.
Inscriptions of the Tomb of Darius the Great
DNa introduces Darius, names the subject peoples and presents his kingship in relation to Ahura Mazda. DNb describes the qualities of a good ruler. These are royal statements of authority, not impartial biographies.
Hubertus von Gall’s Iranica account records a Seleucid-period Aramaic rendering of DNb below its Elamite text. This later addition is separate from the original Achaemenid inscriptions.

DNa in English. The passage below follows the English text presented alongside the Old Persian transcription in Livius’s edition of DNa. Spellings vary between editions.
A great god is Ahura Mazda, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created man, who created happiness for man, who made Darius king, one king of many, one lord of many.
I am Darius the great king, king of kings, king of countries containing all kinds of men, king in this great earth far and wide, son of Hystaspes, an Achaemenid, a Persian, son of a Persian, an Aryan, having Aryan lineage.
King Darius says: By the favor of Ahuramazda these are the countries which I seized outside of Persia; I ruled over them; they bore tribute to me; they did what was said to them by me; they held my law firmly; Media, Elam, Parthia, Aria, Bactria, Sogdia, Chorasmia, Drangiana, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gandara [Gadâra], India [Hiduš], the haoma-drinking Scythians, the Scythians with pointed caps, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Armenia, Cappadocia, Lydia, the Greeks (Yauna), the Scythians across the sea (Sakâ), Thrace, the petasos-wearing Greeks [Yaunâ], the Libyans, the Nubians, the men of Maka and the Carians.
King Darius says: Ahuramazda, when he saw this earth in commotion, thereafter bestowed it upon me, made me king; I am king. By the favor of Ahuramazda I put it down in its place; what I said to them, that they did, as was my desire.
If now you shall think that “How many are the countries which King Darius held?” look at the sculptures [of those] who bear the throne, then shall you know, then shall it become known to you: the spear of a Persian man has gone forth far; then shall it become known to you: a Persian man has delivered battle far indeed from Persia.
Darius the King says: This which has been done, all that by the will of Ahuramazda I did. Ahuramazda bore me aid, until I did the work. May Ahuramazda protect me from harm, and my royal house, and this land: this I pray of Ahuramazda, this may Ahuramazda give to me!
O man, that which is the command of Ahuramazda, let this not seem repugnant to you; do not leave the right path; do not rise in rebellion!
DNa inscription of Darius I.
Tomb of Xerxes (circa 465 BCE)

The easternmost tomb is conventionally attributed to Xerxes, although no inscription names its owner. Its upper relief shows the king standing before an altar, rather than sitting on a throne. Representatives of the subject peoples support the platform below. The columned middle register recalls a palace façade, as Lendering explains.
Inside the Tomb of Xerxes
The tomb attributed to Xerxes has a burial chamber containing rock-cut graves. The surviving spaces do not securely identify a particular grave as that of Amestris.
Xerxes, the son of Darius the Great and the fourth emperor of the Achaemenid Empire, led numerous battles during his reign. His life came to an abrupt end when he was assassinated in his sleeping quarters by Artabanus, the head of the royal guard, and a eunuch named Mithridates.
Sassanian Reliefs at Naqsh-e Rostam
We’ll briefly explore the Sassanian kings’ reliefs at Naqsh-e Rostam.
Relief of Ahura Mazda and Ardeshir I

Ardeshir I, also called Ardashir, receives a ring of royal authority from the mounted Ahura Mazda. An attendant with a fly-whisk stands behind the king. In Lendering’s interpretation, the fallen figures beneath the horses are the Parthian king Artabanus and Ahriman. Ahura Mazda holds a barsom, a bundle of sacred twigs, in his other hand. The paired victories present the new dynasty’s rule as divinely sanctioned. Ardeshir’s horse bears a pendant inscribed in three languages: Parthian, Middle Persian (Pahlavi), and Greek, stating:
“This is the figure of Mazda-worshipping divine Ardeshir, king of kings of Iran, whose seed is from the gods, son of the divine Babak, king.”
On the body of Ahura Mazda’s horse, an inscription reads:
“This figure is the god Lord Ahura Mazda.”
Relief of Hormizd II’s Battle

Hormizd II’s mounted combat relief lies below the Achaemenid tombs. The king drives his lance at another horseman, while a standard-bearer follows behind him. The opponent’s identity remains uncertain. Lendering’s description dates the king’s reign to 303–309 CE; the relief does not establish that his opponent was Iranian.
Damaged Royal Relief Attributed to Shapur II
A badly damaged royal scene survives above Hormizd II’s battle relief. A seated king faces figures at the right. Lendering attributes it to Shapur II, who reigned from 309 to 379 CE. Its poor condition makes the details difficult to read; identifying it confidently as an unfinished portrait of Adur Narseh goes beyond the surviving evidence.
Relief of Shapur I’s Battle

Shapur I’s triumph relief stands near Darius I’s tomb. In Jona Lendering’s identification, Philip the Arab kneels before the king’s horse, while Shapur holds the hand of the standing Valerian. Valerian’s capture in 260 CE provides the earliest possible date for the scene. Gordian III is not the standing figure; his death appears in the related relief programme at Bishapur.
Kartir, the Zoroastrian priest, appears behind Shapur. His figure was added under Bahram II, after the triumph scene. The emblem on his cap and raised hand help identify him. Shapur’s written account of the Roman campaigns is on the Kaʿba-ye Zardosht opposite the relief.
Bas-relief of Bahram II and Courtiers

The photograph shows a standing court audience, rather than a cavalry battle. Bahram II faces the viewer with his hands resting on his sword, surrounded by members of the court. Lendering’s study of the audience relief identifies Kartir among the figures at the left by the emblem on his cap.
Bahram II’s audience portrait and his equestrian monuments are separate carvings. The double combat relief below Darius I’s tomb has two registers of mounted fighting. In the upper scene a standard-bearer follows the king; fallen opponents lie beneath the royal horses. The defeated riders cannot be securely named, so the carving should not be treated as a portrait of a particular rebellion or Roman campaign.
Elamite Bas-relief | Beneath Bahram II’s Bas-relief

Fragments of older Elamite carvings survive around Bahram II’s audience relief, which cut away much of the earlier composition. Look for the small capped figure at the right and a woman’s head with a mural crown at the left. Lendering distinguishes these fragments, tentatively dated to the eighth century BCE, from an older scene below with seated deities and a serpent-shaped throne, attributed to the seventeenth century BCE. These are proposed dates for different phases, rather than proof of an alliance between Elamites and Persians.
Equestrian Battle Reliefs

Naqsh-e Rostam has several scenes of mounted combat associated with Bahram II. Besides the double scene below Darius I’s tomb, a separate equestrian relief below the tomb attributed to Darius II shows the king attacking a rider whose helmet resembles Roman equipment. That resemblance does not securely identify the opponent. The photograph illustrates mounted combat; neither a youthful appearance nor the absence of a clearly visible crown establishes a portrait of Bahram III.
Narseh and the Ring of Royal Authority

Narseh, a son of Shapur I and father of Hormizd II, holds a ribboned ring with a female figure while a smaller royal figure stands between them. The woman’s identity is debated. She has often been called the goddess Anahita, but Ursula Weber’s Encyclopaedia Iranica study of Narseh discusses the case for his wife Shapurdukhtak and interprets the scene as an assertion of royal authority. The carving should not be dated to a supposed death in 300 CE merely because parts appear unfinished.
Unadorned Carved Panel

To the west of Narseh’s coronation scene by Anahita, there is a large, polished panel without any carvings, resembling the panel known as Farhad Tarash in Bisotun. Experts associate both panels with Khosrow Parviz, who might have intended to leave a grandiose portrait of himself but was prevented by his defeat to the Byzantine emperor. In 1821, a wealthy local ordered a 24-line Persian Nasta’liq inscription of the Hajiabad land deed to be carved into this panel. The only features on this panel are three large square holes, and beside it, a Qajar period inscription related to the division of water and agricultural lands is visible.
Cube of Zoroaster

The Cube of Zoroaster at Naqsh-e Rostam is a majestic stone structure characterized by its quadrangular, stair-stepped design, situated opposite the Tomb of Darius II within the ancient ensemble of Naqsh-e Rostam. This edifice incorporates various stone types, including black and white limestone, reminiscent of those used in Persepolis, indicating its Achaemenid era origin. The construction utilizes large, rectangular stones assembled without mortar, connected by dovetail clamps, showcasing precise dimensional and proportional accuracy.
The tower contains one elevated chamber, reached originally by a northern stairway. Shapur I’s later inscription appears in Middle Persian on the east wall, Parthian on the west and Greek on the south. Kartir’s Middle Persian inscription lies below Shapur’s on the east wall.
Function of the Structure
The Cube’s original purpose remains debated, with several theories proposed:
- Fire temple: A proposed interpretation, challenged by the absence of a smoke outlet and the originally closed stone door.
- Royal tomb: The enclosed chamber and elevated base have been compared with funerary architecture.
- Archive or repository: This interpretation rests partly on a disputed reading of Kartir’s inscription.
- Dynastic or coronation building: Scholars have also proposed a role in royal ceremonies. Iranica’s survey explains the competing arguments; the original function remains unsettled.
Kartir’s Inscription

Kartir, a Zoroastrian high priest with significant influence among Sassanian kings, commissioned an inscription detailing his life and contributions, likely carved during Bahram II’s reign.
Dual Stone Fire Altars

Two carved stone structures on the slope of Hossein Kuh are commonly described as Sasanian fire altars. Von Gall also records Dietrich Huff’s interpretation of them as astodans, structures for holding human remains. Their function is disputed; assigning a separate fire ritual to each goes beyond the evidence.
Fortress and Protective Walls

A fortified enclosure once surrounded much of the sculpted cliff. Its ends met the rock, and seven semicircular towers strengthened the wall, according to von Gall’s account of Schmidt’s excavations.
Water Well
Excavators found a polygonal, rock-cut cistern west of the cliff, measuring about 7.2 metres across. This water-storage feature should be distinguished from the tomb chambers and the freestanding stone tower.
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Final Words
Read the cliff in layers. The Achaemenid tomb façades stand above later Sasanian scenes of investiture, court ceremony and mounted combat; older Elamite fragments survive where subsequent carvings did not erase them. Compare the figures and their positions with the descriptions above rather than treating every relief as part of one event.
References
Frye, R. N. (1982). The Aramaic Inscription on the Tomb of Darius. Iranica Antiqua, 17, 85–90.
Von Gall, H. (2009; updated 2012). Naqš-e Rostam. Encyclopaedia Iranica.




Hello. I am a retired high school teacher who is doing private research on the historiography of the rediscovery of Cuneiform, which as you would know, came to light at Persepolis, soon after the name “persepolis” was linked to the ruins at Takht-e Jamshid.
The writer of this article makes mention of Seleucid inscription in the tromb of Darius the great but there is no reference given and I cannot seem to find any academic paper or book that validates or even mentions this statement.
Please could you forward to me what your reference was this inscription.
Thank You &
regards from Western Australia
Mike Ross
Hello Mike,
Thank you very much for your thoughtful comment and for pointing this out. You are absolutely correct that there is no independent “Seleucid inscription” on the tomb of Darius at Naqsh-e Rostam. What actually exists is an Aramaic version of Darius’s DNb inscription, which was added below the Elamite text during the Seleucid period.
Earlier scholarship once speculated that the name “Seleucus” might appear in this addition, but today specialists identify it simply as a later Aramaic rendering of the original Achaemenid text. The main references are:
Frye, R. N. (1982). The Aramaic Inscription on the Tomb of Darius. Iranica Antiqua, 17, 85–90.
Encyclopaedia Iranica, entry “Naqš-e Rostam.”
We have now updated the article to reflect this more accurate phrasing. Many thanks again for raising this valuable point.
Warm regards,
Mahdi